Leonid Tyulpa. The architect of the soviet period of mass industrial development
莱昂尼德·图尔帕。苏联大规模工业发展时期的建筑师
Alexander Bouryak. Sc.D. in Theory of Architecture, Kharkiv National University of Civil Engineering and Architecture: Head of the Chair (from1985), Professor (2009); supervision of nine Ph.D. thesis. Ukrainian Municipal Academy – full membership 1999. “Kharkiv Club” international NGO– member 1998, head of the board 2000, leader of the “Architectural Ambulance” International Project 2003. Ukrainian national chapter of DOCOMOMOInternational – Secretary General 2012. [email protected]
Abstract
The design approach employed by Kharkiv-based architect Leonid Tyulpa evolved from the early 1950s to the late 1970s. The architect’s career reflected the state of the whole Soviet architectural design in the second half of the XX century. His creative work encompassed all the milestones of housing development practice in the country. L.Tyulpa’s career started in 1951-1956 with restoration design projects in cities damaged during WW II. The years between 1956 and 1958 marked a transitional stage when the architect broke with old design traditions. In the third stage of his career, L.Tyulpa embarked on developing a new practice of designing prefabricated housing, searchinfor economical and feasible design solutions (1958-1963), with Pavlovo Pole housing estate being a vivid example of this period. Starting from 1963 the principles of creating the so-called “micro-districts” were implemented into the old city tissue, leading to a comprehensive reconsideration of the city and its role. The final stage of his career saw the appearance of a totally new vast housing area in Kharkiv. It was Saltovskiy housing estate for 300,000 dwellers, which became the utmost manifestation of the modernist way of thinking.
哈尔科夫建筑师莱昂尼德·图尔帕（Leonid Tyulpa）采用的设计方法从20世纪50年代初发展到70年代末。建筑师的职业生涯反映了整个苏联建筑设计在XX世纪后半叶的状态。他的创造性工作涵盖了该国住房开发实践的所有里程碑。L.Tyulpa的职业生涯始于1951-1956年，在二战期间受损的城市进行修复设计项目。1956年至1958年是建筑师打破旧设计传统的过渡阶段。在职业生涯的第三阶段，L.Tyulpa开始开发一种新的预制房屋设计实践，探索经济可行的设计方案（1958-1963年），巴甫洛沃波尔住宅区就是这一时期的生动例子。从1963年开始，创建所谓“微区”的原则被落实到旧城组织中，导致对城市及其作用的全面反思。在他职业生涯的最后阶段，哈尔科夫出现了一个全新的巨大住宅区。这是一个可容纳30万居民的萨尔托夫斯基住宅区，成为现代主义思维方式的最大体现。
Keywords
Mass housing; postwar, micro-district; Soviet modernism; Tyulpa; Saltovskiy housing estate; Pavlovo Pole; Ukraine.
Approaches to studying mass housing development in the history of the postwar Soviet architecture
战后苏联建筑史上的大众住宅发展研究方法
Dozens of millions of Ukrainian citizens are now living in large housing estates built in the third quarter of the previous century. During those years the cities of the Soviet Union served as a ground for an unprecedented social and architectural experiment that changed the daily routine of dozens of millions of Soviet people1.
数千万乌克兰公民现在居住在上个世纪第三季度建造的大型住宅区。在这些年里，苏联的城市成为了一个前所未有的社会和建筑实验的场所，这一实验改变了几千万苏联人的日常生活。
Since the 1990s the Soviet mass housing development has attracted scholars’ attention, both in Ukraine2 and abroad3. However, mass housing development has been considered primarily as a socio-economic phenomenon and as another concept in the theory of city planning. The names of Ukrainian architects and urban planners of this period, such as O. I. Zavarova, L. M. Tyulpa4, Ye. G. Weinstein, P. N. Nirinberg, L. D. Nivina, A. D. Konsulov, etc. are only familiar to their contemporaries who witnessed and participated in that major breakthrough of the 1950s-1960s.
自20世纪90年代以来，苏联大规模住房开发吸引了乌克兰2和国外3学者的注意。然而，大规模住房开发主要被认为是一种社会经济现象，也是城市规划理论中的另一个概念。这一时期乌克兰建筑师和城市规划师的名字，如O.I.Zavarova、L.M.Tyulpa4、Ye。G.Weinstein、P.N.Nirinberg、L.D.Nivina、A.D.Konsulov等都是同时代人所熟悉的，他们见证并参与了20世纪50-60年代的重大突破。
This large “blank space” in the history of Ukrainian architecture is connected with the issue of aestheticization5 of the Soviet architecture of the third quarter of ХХ century. A wide-ranging discourse on the aesthetics of the postwar Soviet modernism on the territory of the former USSR republics was triggered by the book “Soviet modernism. 1955-1985”6 written by F. Novikov and V. Belopolskiy, which was released in 2010, as well as by a number of international specialized exhibitions and conferences7. Nowadays the aesthetic value and the mechanism of aestheticization of the Soviet mass housing development heritage are becoming some of the high-priority tasks for researchers8. The complex study of mass housing development is presented in the book “Towards a typology of Soviet mass housing: prefabrication in the USSR 1955-1991”9, which presents an analysis of the stages of mass housing development and the most valuable series of houses from an aesthetic point of view.
乌克兰建筑史上的这一巨大“空白”与四分之三世纪苏联建筑的审美化问题有关。由F.Novikov和V.Belopolskiy于2010年出版的《苏联现代主义1955-1985》6以及一些国际专门展览和会议7引发了关于前苏联共和国领土上战后苏联现代主义美学的广泛论述。如今，苏联集体住宅开发遗产的美学价值和审美化机制正成为研究人员的一些优先任务8。《走向苏联集体住房的类型学：苏联1955-1991年的预制》9中介绍了集体住房发展的复杂研究，从美学角度分析了集体住房发展的各个阶段和最有价值的房屋系列。
In fact, over a span of as many as 35 years Soviet urban planners managed to implement the principles of idealized modernist urbanism10 on the scale of a large country on every structural level – from regional planning to minimalistic design of individual apartments. Cities acquired new architectural forms, whereas previous architectural forms became elements that were embedded into the new urban tissue11.
事实上，在长达35年的时间里，苏联的城市规划者成功地在一个大国的规模上在各个结构层面上实施了理想化现代主义城市化原则10——从区域规划到单个公寓的极简设计。城市获得了新的建筑形式，而以前的建筑形式则成为嵌入新城市结构的元素11。
By mid-1950s the process of national industrialization was completed de jure, giving place to housing which became the dominant development project in the USSR. It had a purely utilitarian goal, i.e. resolving the so-called “housing question” as soon as it was possible. This idea was widely propagated because of the necessity to implement a new way of organizing human resources, which could involve all the life spheres of a common Soviet citizen within a single production cycle that had already been established. Tha†t is why the architectural method that had been actively developed after the war evolved into an experimental search for efficient standard designs, where the main criterion for approving design proposals was their technical and economic efficiency.
到20世纪50年代中期，国家工业化进程在法律上完成，住房取代住房成为苏联的主要发展项目。它有一个纯粹的功利主义目标，即尽快解决所谓的“住房问题”。这一思想之所以得到广泛传播，是因为有必要实施一种新的人力资源组织方式，这种方式可以在已经建立的单一生产周期内涉及普通苏联公民的所有生活领域。这就是为什么战后积极发展的建筑方法演变为对高效标准设计的实验性探索，其中批准设计方案的主要标准是其技术和经济效率。
Despite the fact that all regional development relied upon the same ideological basis, the position of various regions within the national system of distribution was not the same. Nor were the people who were responsible for local regional development. Therefore, a more thorough research into the phenomenon of the post-war Soviet housing development calls for deeper understanding of those people who stood behind the achievements and failures of the epic architectural and urban development in various parts of the former Soviet Union, including the reconstruction of existing situations with certain local restrictions, analysis of opportunities and failures. Another essential condition of historical and architectural research is the necessity for precise documentation of quantitative (up to hundreds of millions of square meters of housing) and qualitative (structural, functional and spatial) characteristics of each period.
尽管所有区域的发展都依赖于相同的意识形态基础，但各个区域在国家分配体系中的地位并不相同。负责当地区域发展的人也不例外。因此，对战后苏联住房开发现象进行更深入的研究，需要更深入地了解那些在前苏联各地史诗般的建筑和城市发展成就和失败背后的人，包括重建存在一定局部限制的现状，分析机会和失败。历史和建筑研究的另一个基本条件是必须精确记录每个时期的定量（高达数亿平方米的住房）和定性（结构、功能和空间）特征。
Unfortunately, the Kharkiv experience of mass industrial development practically is not studied12. However, this experience deserves special attention. Unlike other Ukrainian cities, an original architectural school had emerged here back in 1920s-1930s13. In addition, two consecutive projects, namely Pavlovo Pole (1956- 1974) and Saltovskiy housing estates (1963-1993) were implemented under the guidance and according to fundamental design proposals made by the same architect - Leonid Tyulpa (1922-1994) [fig. 1].
不幸的是，哈尔科夫大规模工业发展的经验实际上没有得到研究12。然而，这一经验值得特别注意。与其他乌克兰城市不同，早在1920-1930s13年，这里就出现了一所原始的建筑学校。此外，在同一建筑师Leonid Tyulpa（1922-1994）的指导和基本设计方案的指导下，实施了两个连续的项目，即巴甫洛沃·波尔（1956-1974）和萨尔托夫斯基（1963-1993）[图1]。
Monographic studies provide an opportunity to compare the results of architects’ work. Patrick Abercrombie’s practice, whose name is directly associated with the post-war London reconstruction14, is one of examples of such personified research approach. Everything that is written about Soviet urban planning of 1960-1980’s gives a false idea that Soviet architects played the role of impersonal tools, and therefore soviet mass housing development cannot be called architecture. The identification of key Soviet architects and city planners in the field will allow to display the real situation and to avoid sketchiness and generalization.
专题研究提供了一个比较建筑师工作成果的机会。帕特里克·阿伯克龙比（Patrick Abercrombie）的实践与战后伦敦重建直接相关14，是这种人格化研究方法的一个例子。所有关于1960-1980年代苏联城市规划的文章都给出了一个错误的想法，即苏联建筑师扮演着非个人工具的角色，因此苏联的大规模住房开发不能称为建筑。在这一领域确定苏联的主要建筑师和城市规划师将有助于展示真实情况，避免粗略和笼统。
The Turning Point of 1956: Breaking from Stalinistic Design Practices and Return to Modernism
1956年的转折点：打破斯大林主义设计实践，回归现代主义
Leonid Tyulpa belonged to the generation of architects, whose architectural design skills were shaped by the post-war urban restoration movement rather than by prewar architectural processes. Therefore, for him the newly-introduced method of technical and economic feasibility was something relevant and self-evident.
莱昂尼德·图尔帕属于建筑师这一代，他们的建筑设计技能是由战后的城市修复运动而不是战前的建筑过程塑造的。因此，对他来说，新引进的技术和经济可行性方法是相关和不言而喻的。
During a very short period of time starting from 1951 L. Tyulpa developed about a dozen projects including a dormitory in Zhdanov, housing estates in the central part of Druzhkovka, a square in front of the railway station in Kramatorsk, a few standardized buildings for Communist Party District Committees, the Palace of Culture of Metallurgists in Donetsk), apartment blocks in Khartsyzsk, Makeyevka, Kramatorsk. A housing estate along Kremlevskaya street in Krivyy Rig was a major project thanks to which L. Tyulpa was noticed and promoted to senior architect.
从1951年开始，在很短的时间内，L.Tyulpa开发了十几个项目，包括Zhdanov的宿舍、德鲁日科夫卡中部的住宅区、克拉马托斯克火车站前的广场、共产党区委的一些标准化建筑，顿涅茨克冶金学家文化宫），克拉玛托尔斯克马克耶夫卡哈尔茨克公寓楼。Krivyy Rig Kremlevskaya街沿线的一个住宅区是一个重大项目，L.Tyulpa因此受到关注并晋升为高级建筑师。
It took him only two years to develop a detailed street design, together with nine residential buildings which were subsequently erected15. At that period of time he was already trying to operate with large scales, looking for harmonious relationship between space and mass and using the conventional plasticity approach to façades only for decorative purposes. He paid more attention to living scenarios that were likely to emerge in proposed spaces; he thought more about the convenience of layouts and the economic feasibility of the proposed design solutions.
他只用了两年的时间就完成了详细的街道设计，以及随后修建的九栋住宅楼15。在那个时期，他已经在尝试大规模操作，寻找空间和质量之间的和谐关系，并将传统的塑性方法仅用于装饰目的。他更加关注可能出现在拟建空间中的生活场景；他更多地考虑了布局的便利性和提出的设计方案的经济可行性。
In 1956 Leonid Tyulpa moved to the workshop supervised by A. Krykin16 and began to work on large urban planning projects. He was involved in the development of a new masterplan of Kharkiv [fig. 2], which had been under development since 195417. He was also a member of the group that was designing a new housing estate Pavlovo Pole [fig. 3] for 60,000 dwellers.
1956年，Leonid Tyulpa来到A.Krykin16监督的工作室，开始从事大型城市规划项目。他参与了哈尔科夫新总体规划的开发工作【图2】，该总体规划自195417年以来一直在开发中。他也是为60000名居民设计新住宅区巴甫洛夫柱（图3）的小组成员。
Pavlovo Pole housing estate became a testing ground in Kharkiv, where the method of “micro-districts” was tested for the first time. The first layout of Pavlovo Pole housing estate was developed by Khargorproekt Urban Planning Institute (architects B. G. Klein, A. S. Proskurnin, A. P Pavlenko) back in 1945 and by 1954 several two-storey apartment buildings had already been erected in the eastern part of the district. In 1954 the project was submitted for redesign to Kharkiv affiliated office of Giprograd (Research and Planning Institute in the Field of Spatial and Urban Planning in Ukraine). The designers and planners made a thorough analysis of the previous project, developed a preliminary layout of the northern part of the then Lenin avenue and finally prepared a detailed design proposal for the whole housing estate, which in their opinion totally complied with the new ideological requirements. However, the project was criticized because it was allegedly out of keeping with the new ideas about the needs of a Soviet person. Lenin avenue served as an axis that set the direction for the surrounding development. Besides, it was a major thoroughfare directed towards Moscow. In terms of functional zoning, the whole territory was roughly divided between housing, various social infrastructure facilities, scientific and research institutions. The housing area was in fact a compact and dense development with enlarged rectangular blocks that paid little attention to the existing topography. All social infrastructure facilities were part of a larger network and were located in the neighboring forested areas at some distance from the apartment blocks, whereas large territories were allocated for scientific and research institutions [fig. 4].
帕夫洛沃波兰住宅区成为哈尔科夫的试验场，在那里首次试验了“微型区”的方法。早在1945年，哈尔戈普罗埃克城市规划研究所（建筑师B.G.Klein、A.S.Proskurnin、A.P.Pavlenko）就开发了巴甫洛夫波尔住宅区的第一个布局，到1954年，该区东部已经建成了几栋两层公寓楼。1954年，该项目提交给Giprograd（乌克兰空间和城市规划领域的研究和规划研究所）哈尔科夫附属办公室重新设计。设计师和规划师对之前的项目进行了彻底的分析，制定了当时列宁大道北部的初步布局，并最终为整个住宅区编制了详细的设计方案，他们认为这完全符合新的思想要求。然而，该项目受到了批评，因为据称它不符合关于苏联人需求的新观念。列宁大道作为一条轴线，为周边地区的发展确定了方向。此外，它还是通往莫斯科的主要通道。在功能分区方面，整个领土大致分为住房、各种社会基础设施、科学和研究机构。事实上，住宅区是一个紧凑而密集的开发区，有放大的矩形块，很少注意现有的地形。所有社会基础设施都是一个更大网络的一部分，位于邻近的森林地区，距离公寓楼有一定距离，而大片土地则分配给科学和研究机构[图4]。
In 1956 Leonid Tyulpa moved to the workshop supervised by A. Krykin16 and began to work on large urban planning projects. He was involved in the development of a new masterplan of Kharkiv [fig. 2], which had been under development since 195417. He was also a member of the group that was designing a new housing estate Pavlovo Pole [fig. 3] for 60,000 dwellers.
1956年，Leonid Tyulpa来到A.Krykin16监督的工作室，开始从事大型城市规划项目。他参与了哈尔科夫新总体规划的开发工作【图2】，该总体规划自195417年以来一直在开发中。他也是为60000名居民设计新住宅区巴甫洛夫柱（图3）的小组成员。
This design proposal was subject to later modifications: social infrastructure facilities were brought back inside residential blocks; a new botanical garden of Kharkiv University was designed in Sarzhin Yar ravine; pedestrian safety measures were taken along the high-speed Lenin avenue; the entire development was implemented with standard 1-424 series apartment houses, which helped to reduce the costs significantly and simulate the method of creating “micro-districts”. Technically speaking, the task was completed, as the project did comply with new ideological requirements, so in 1956 the project was approved by the USSR State Committee on Urban Planning and Construction followed by the construction of the first three blocks. However, the imitation of “micro-districting” approach did not lead to any considerable changes in the old principles of housing development.
该设计方案后来进行了修改：将社会基础设施带回住宅区；在Sarzhin Yar峡谷设计了哈尔科夫大学的新植物园；在列宁大道高速沿线采取了行人安全措施；整个开发采用标准的1-424系列公寓，这有助于显著降低成本并模拟创建“微区”的方法。从技术上讲，这项任务已经完成，因为该项目确实符合新的意识形态要求，因此1956年，该项目获得了苏联国家城市规划和建设委员会的批准，随后修建了前三个街区。然而，模仿“微观分区”方法并没有导致旧的住房开发原则发生任何重大变化。
In 1957, when the mythology of the new regime was already firmly established, the USSR State Committee on Urban Planning and Construction reviewed the project and found certain ideological contradictions that were to be eliminated. This event became a crucial moment in Leonid Tyulpa’s career as an architect. He left the design team that still involved A. Krykin, I. Feigin and M. Brainin, who were going to make another attempt to formally adapt the project to new requirements. Instead, supported by architect L. Grigorenko and K. Chernysheva who was an expert in economics in the field of civil engineering, Leonid Tyulpa embarked on developing two design proposals for mass housing development planning which were of completely different nature.
1957年，当新政权的神话已经牢固确立时，苏联国家城市规划和建设委员会审查了该项目，发现某些意识形态矛盾需要消除。这一事件成为列奥尼德·图尔帕建筑师生涯中的一个关键时刻。他离开了仍有A.Krykin、I.Feigin和M.Brainin参与的设计团队，他们将再次尝试使项目正式适应新的需求。相反，在建筑师L.Grigorenko和土木工程领域经济学专家K.Chernysheva的支持下，Leonid Tyulpa开始为大规模住房开发规划制定两个性质完全不同的设计方案。
L. Tyulpa and L. Grigorenko divided the whole territory of Pavlovo Pole housing estate into micro-districts of approximately 50-70 ha each. Each micro-district was designed following the “open plan” principle, meaning that the proposed architectural forms referred to such concepts as “coziness”, “affordability” and “naturalness”18. In the center of each micro-district there were schools and daycare centers, which were grouped around gardens. Miscellaneous retail outlets, as well as social and utility infrastructure facilities (shops, canteens, laundries, garages, etc.) were located along the boundaries of these micro-districts. Apartment houses were accessed via a network of dead-end driveways within the block. Broad walking alleys were laid out that linked apartment houses with various facilities, public transport stops and small local gardens within the boundaries of the block. The housing estate could be conveniently accessed by various kinds of public transport, such as trams, trolleybuses, buses and taxi.
L.Tyulpa和L.Grigorenko将整个巴甫洛沃波兰住宅区划分为约50-70公顷的微型区。每个微区的设计遵循“开放式规划”原则，这意味着拟议的建筑形式涉及“舒适性”、“可承受性”和“自然性”等概念18。在每个微型区的中心都有学校和日托中心，它们围绕着花园。在这些微型区的边界沿线设有各种零售店以及社会和公用设施基础设施（商店、食堂、洗衣店、车库等）。公寓楼通过街区内的死胡同车道网络进入。宽阔的步行小巷将公寓楼与街区边界内的各种设施、公共交通站点和小型当地花园连接起来。住宅区可以方便地乘坐各种公共交通工具，如有轨电车、无轨电车、公共汽车和出租车。
According to Tyulpa’s design proposal, Lenin avenue was no longer a busy highway that was going beyond the city. Instead, it was expected to approach the central square and make a gentle turn as it was going around the housing estate. In this way a major thoroughfare was transformed into a forest road that led to the socalled “recreational places” in the forest. In fact, the architect believed that the most preferable ending for this avenue would be a dead-end altogether, in order to prevent its potential connection with the ring-road19. A separate road for freight vehicles was designed in the southern part of the housing estate.
根据图尔帕的设计方案，列宁大道不再是一条通往城市以外的繁忙公路。取而代之的是，人们希望它靠近中心广场，在围绕住宅小区行驶时轻轻转弯。就这样，一条主要干道变成了一条通往森林中所谓“娱乐场所”的森林公路。事实上，建筑师认为，这条大道最好的尽头是一条死胡同，以防止其与环路的潜在连接19。在住宅区南部设计了一条单独的货车道路。
The center of Pavlovo Pole was designed on a small hill, stretching along Lenin avenue towards Alekseevskaya Balka ravine, where the architects envisaged a park and a sports complex with a stadium for 7,000 spectators20. There was a plan to build a cultural center with an auditorium for 800 people, a widescreen cinema with 1,200 seats, a hotel, a shopping mall, a cafe, a post office, several retail outlets, an automatic telephone exchange office and a car park in the center of the\ housing estate. The square where these buildings were supposed to be located was completely traffic-free. The areas where scientific and research institutes were supposed to be located in the previous project in order to bring more “pageantry” to the area were now allocated for housing. A botanical garden with an area of approximately 60 ha was laid out on the southern slopes of Sarzhin Yar ravine. A hospital and several out-patient medical centers were designed closer the forest.
巴甫洛夫杆塔的中心设计在一座小山上，沿着列宁大道向Alekseevskaya Balka峡谷延伸，建筑师们设想在那里建一个公园和一个体育场，可容纳7000名观众。有一项计划是在住宅区中心修建一个文化中心，包括一个可容纳800人的礼堂、一个可容纳1200个座位的宽屏电影院、一家酒店、一个购物中心、一家咖啡馆、一个邮局、几个零售店、一个自动电话交换办公室和一个停车场。这些建筑所在的广场完全没有交通堵塞。在上一个项目中，为了给该地区带来更多的“壮观”，科研院所应该位于的区域现在被分配用于住房。在Sarzhin Yar峡谷的南坡上修建了一个面积约为60公顷的植物园。在森林附近设计了一家医院和几个门诊医疗中心。
By several dozens of criteria, the technical and economic parameters of the project suggested by L. Tyulpa and L. Grigorenko were much better than the one proposed by A. Krykin, I. Feigin and M. Brainin, so the former was accepted for further development upon the decision of the State Committee on Urban Planning and Construction of the USSR21.
根据几十个标准，L.Tyulpa和L.Grigorenko提出的项目技术和经济参数远优于A.Krykin、I.Feigin和M.Brainin提出的参数，因此，根据美国国家城市规划和建设委员会21的决定，前者被接受进一步开发。
Pavlovo Pole as a Testing Ground in the Search of effcient planning solution
Pavlovo Pole作为寻找高效规划解决方案的试验场
In 1958 L. Tyulpa proceeded to develop a detailed plan of Pavlovo Pole housing estate. He sought to improve all its technical and economic indicators: 199.5 out of 499 ha were allocated for apartment houses (compared with 139.7 ha in the previous project); 66 ha for social and utility infrastructure facilities (instead of 48.6 ha), 59 ha were allocated for streets and squares (instead of 22.5 ha), 54 ha for public green spaces (compared with 38.1 ha). One of the micro-districts was totally occupied by a scientific research institute [fig. 5, 6, 8].
1958年，L.Tyulpa着手制定巴甫洛沃波兰住宅区的详细规划。他试图改善其所有技术和经济指标：499公顷中有199.5公顷被分配用于公寓房屋（上一个项目为139.7公顷）；66公顷用于社会和公用设施基础设施（而非48.6公顷），59公顷用于街道和广场（而非22.5公顷），54公顷用于公共绿地（而非38.1公顷）。其中一个微区完全被一个科学研究所占据[图5、6、8]。
Micro-district No. 1 within Pavlovo Pole housing estate was the first micro-district in Kharkiv where the principle of “micro-districting” was implemented. Mirco-district No. 1 occupied the territory of 120,000 square meters and was designed for 13.3 thousand dwellers. It was divided into 5 residential blocks for 1,900 – 2,700 people in each. These blocks consisted of 6-8 slab apartment houses and two apartment houses for small families with the so-called corridortype planning. Each residential block was supposed to have a courtyard with a small garden with sports facilities and a playground, a splash pool and recreation areas. There were playgrounds for children and board games areas designed next to each building. The project envisaged the construction of 5-storey buildings (series 1-438, 1-445 and 1-468) within each block, and there was also a plan to build four single-section 10-12-storey buildings along Shlyakhovaya street. Spaces among residential blocks were supposed to accommodate various social, retail and utility facilities, such as grocery and department stores, garages, laundries, workshops, storage rooms, utility sheds for janitors, and public restrooms. As a rule, these facilities were detached buildings. The basement floors in the apartment houses for small families (1-445-3 series) were occupied by shared kitchens, various service facilities (e.g. shoe repair shop, etc.), hairdressers, and the so-called “red corners” for Communist propaganda. The method of “row houses” was first used in this micro-district. The total length of one such “row house” was about 180 m
帕夫洛沃波兰住宅区内的1号微区是哈尔科夫第一个实施“微区划分”原则的微区。米尔科第一区占地12万平方米，设计可容纳13.3万居民。它被分为5个住宅区，每个区有1900-2700人。这些街区由6-8层的公寓楼和两栋小家庭公寓楼组成，这些公寓楼采用了所谓的corridortype规划。每个住宅区都应该有一个庭院，庭院里有一个小花园，花园里有体育设施，还有一个操场、一个溅水池和娱乐区。每栋建筑旁边都有儿童游乐场和棋盘游戏区。该项目设想在每个街区内建造5层建筑（系列1-438、1-445和1-468），并且还计划沿Shlaykhovaya街建造4座单截面10-12层建筑。住宅区之间的空间应容纳各种社会、零售和公用设施，如杂货店和百货商店、车库、洗衣房、车间、储藏室、门卫公用设施棚和公共厕所。通常，这些设施是独立的建筑物。小户型公寓（1-445-3系列）的地下室由共用厨房、各种服务设施（如修鞋店等）、理发师和所谓的共产主义宣传“红色角落”占据。“排屋”的方法首次在这个微型区使用。其中一个“排房”的总长度约为180米
As many as five kindergartens (for 140-280 children) and two schools (for 520 and 960 students, the former being the existing school), were designed for the 2-438 series apartment houses and they were located next to the local garden that belonged to this micro-district. For the sake of more efficient use of the territory, it was assumed that both schools would share sports facilities. The garden played an important role in the life of the micro-district: firstly, it separated children facilities from residential buildings; secondly, it integrated all green areas into one single network; thirdly, it absorbed all major footpaths that led to public transport stops and adjacent micro-districts, as well as sports grounds and various social and utility facilities.
为2-438系列公寓设计了多达五所幼儿园（140-280名儿童）和两所学校（520名和960名学生，前者为现有学校），它们位于属于该小区的当地花园旁边。为了更有效地利用领土，假定两所学校将共用体育设施。花园在小区生活中扮演着重要的角色：首先，它将儿童设施与住宅建筑分隔开来；第二，它将所有绿地整合成一个单一的网络；第三，它吸收了所有通往公共交通站点和相邻微型区的主要人行道，以及运动场和各种社会和公用设施。
The proposed design did not allow transit vehicles in the micro-district – all driveways finished with dead-ends. The distance between driveways and the most remote entries to apartment buildings did not exceed 60-80 m [fig. 7].
拟议的设计不允许微型区内的公交车辆——所有车道都有死胡同。车道与公寓楼最偏远入口之间的距离不超过60-80米[图7]。
Tyulpa’s designs were distinguished for their thorough elaboration. He searched for more efficient design and engineering solutions and he criticized his colleagues for insufficient study of the local topography, which invariably resulted in higher basement floors and increased the cost of construction. L. Tyulpa pointed out that the existing catalogs of standardized designs issued in 1958 had no single-section houses and buildings, where sections had different grade levels; he also believed that it was worth taking into account the existing trees as it might significantly reduce landscaping\ costs in future. It was L. Tyulpa who made sure that all design documents were developed and released for the whole micro-district, rather than for individual blocks, which helped to reduce discrepancies in the course of their alignment.
图尔帕的设计因其精雕细琢而闻名。他寻求更有效的设计和工程解决方案，并批评他的同事对当地地形研究不足，这必然导致地下室楼层较高，并增加施工成本。L.Tyulpa指出，1958年发布的现有标准化设计目录没有单截面房屋和建筑物，其中截面具有不同的等级；他还认为，值得考虑现有树木，因为这可能会大大降低未来的绿化成本。正是L.Tyulpa确保为整个微区而不是单个街区编制和发布所有设计文件，这有助于减少其对齐过程中的差异。
Restoration of Kharkiv city center and construction of Saltovskiy housing estate for 300,000 dwellers: the implementation of modernist dream
哈尔科夫市中心的修复和为30万居民建造萨尔托夫斯基住宅区：现代主义梦想的实现
Leonid Tyulpa was not a member of the design group that developed the master plan, but his work during that period of time was closely connected with it. Thus, in 1963 L. Tyulpa was appointed member of Urban Planning Group and together with his colleagues he embarked on designing of what turned out to be the largest housing estate in the whole Ukrainian Soviet Republic, namely Saltovskiy housing estate for 300,000 dwellers. Within the period from 1966 to 1967 he also made a design proposal for the development of Kharkiv city center. Both projects were later included into the master plan of the city.
Leonid Tyulpa不是制定总体规划的设计小组的成员，但他在这段时间内的工作与总体规划密切相关。因此，1963年，L.Tyulpa被任命为城市规划小组成员，他与同事们一起着手设计整个乌克兰苏维埃共和国最大的住宅区，即为30万居民提供的索尔托夫斯基住宅区。1966年至1967年期间，他还提出了哈尔科夫市中心开发的设计方案。这两个项目后来都被纳入城市总体规划。
By 1967, in collaboration with G. Wegman, P. Shpara, G. Galushko, and V. Belogub, L. Tyulpa had developed a project of Kharkiv city center restoration. According to this project, the central part of the city was regarded as a site for comprehensive restoration. Having built several micro-districts, the designers understood the necessity of bring the central part of the city into conformity with the general principles of urban design, with those standards and requirements that any new development had to comply with. The center was divided into functional areas. The area between Sumskaya and Rymarskaya streets, which already hosted a number of theaters and cinemas, was going to become a “cultural center of Kharkiv”, added by a new opera and ballet house. The area between Klochkovskaya street and the Lopan river was reserved for what was called “sports sector of the city center”, with a new Palace of Sports, a stadium, several sports grounds and pavilions.
到1967年，L.Tyulpa与G.Wegman、P.Shara、G.Galushko和V.Belogub合作，开发了哈尔科夫市中心修复项目。根据该项目，该城市的中心部分被视为进行全面修复的场地。在建造了几个微型区之后，设计师们明白了将城市中心部分纳入城市设计一般原则的必要性，以及任何新开发项目都必须遵守的标准和要求。该中心分为多个功能区。Sumskaya和Rymarskaya街道之间的区域已经有了许多剧院和电影院，将成为“哈尔科夫文化中心”，并增加一个新的歌剧院和芭蕾舞院。Klochkovskaya街和Lopan河之间的区域被保留为所谓的“市中心体育区”，有一个新的体育宫殿、一个体育场、几个运动场和展馆。
The project suggested the renovation of the existing residential blocks, introducing several new 9-storey multi-section houses, a number of facilities belonging to scientific and research institutions, “Intourist” hotel and a circus. Besides, it was planned to unite all the green areas into a single system, which involved the expansion of Shevchenko garden and the removal of run-down housing on the slopes of Klochkovskaya street. The slopes were turned into green areas, and so were the riverfronts and the area to the east of Pobedy park.
该项目建议对现有住宅区进行改造，引进几栋新的9层多层住宅、一些属于科研机构的设施、“Inoturist”酒店和一个马戏团。此外，计划将所有绿地合并为一个单一系统，包括扩建舍甫琴科花园和拆除Klochkovskaya街斜坡上的破旧房屋。山坡变成了绿色区域，河岸和波比迪公园以东的区域也变成了绿色区域。
The architects also suggested the restoration of the existing transport system. In order to facilitate the south-north pedestrian traffic, the east-west transit traffic was arranged along the southern border of the city center (which meant the construction of a new thoroughfare with two tunnels under Teveleva square), whereas the northsouth transit traffic was organized along Klochkovskaya street with an access to Oktyabrskoy Revolyutsii street.
建筑师们还建议恢复现有的交通系统。为了促进南北向的行人交通，沿市中心南部边界安排了东西向的过境交通（这意味着在Teveleva广场下修建一条新的带有两条隧道的通道），而南北过境交通是沿着Klochkovskaya街组织的，通往Oktyabrskoy Revolyutsii街。
Before starting the design of Saltovskiy housing estate, Leonid Tyulpa outlined the following objectives to be achieved in this project. It sought to provide all necessary conditions for public welfare and recreation; to create a network of social and utility infrastructure facilities; to ensure transport and walking accessibility both within the district and its access to outbound roads; to provide adequate living conditions during construction; to make best use of the existing topography. That was why he considered Saltovskiy housing estate as an independent satellite city of the historical Kharkiv, which would have its own center and all the elements typical of a city. This approach was supposed to result in a balanced city designed “from scratch”, taking into account the needs of the population, the most feasible public transport routes, the arrangement of cultural and recreational facilities and institutions. However, this decision had to be abandoned because the creation of a new city near the existing one would entail a major change in the entire internal structure of the radial ring communications of the city with a million-plus population. Since it required additional material expenses, it was decided to design Saltovskiy housing estate as part of the existing city in the form of two large interconnected residential areas connected with the rest of the city by means of arterial grid.
在开始设计Saltovsky住宅区之前，Leonid Tyulpa概述了本项目要实现的以下目标。它寻求为公共福利和娱乐提供一切必要的条件；建立社会和公用事业基础设施网络；确保区内交通和步行无障碍，并确保其通往出境道路；在施工期间提供足够的生活条件；充分利用现有地形。这就是为什么他认为萨尔托夫斯基住宅区是历史上哈尔科夫的一个独立卫星城，它将有自己的中心和城市的所有典型元素。这一方法的目的是“从头开始”设计一个平衡的城市，同时考虑到人口的需求、最可行的公共交通路线、文化和娱乐设施和机构的安排。然而，这一决定不得不放弃，因为在现有城市附近新建一座新城市将导致该市100多万人口的放射状环形交通的整个内部结构发生重大变化。由于需要额外的材料费用，决定将Saltovskiy住宅区设计为现有城市的一部分，采用两个大型互联住宅区的形式，通过干线电网与城市其他部分相连。
By 1963 it had become clear that the plan to build 16 million square meters (9 meters per person) by 1970 was not achievable. In order to accomplish that plan, it would be necessary to increase the amount of built housing up to 500 – 700 thousand square meters per year, which was beyond the capacity of Glavkharkovstroy (General Agency for Urban Planning and Construction in Kharkiv).
到1963年，很明显，到1970年建造1600万平方米（人均9米）的计划无法实现。为了完成该计划，有必要将建成住房数量增加到每年50-70万平方米，这超出了格拉夫哈尔科夫斯特罗（哈尔科夫城市规划和建设总机构）的能力。
L. Tyulpa made a decision to “enlarge every structural element within the housing estate”22 and divided the whole estate into two residential areas “A” and “B” (100 thousand dwellers and 2 thousand ha in each area). Each area was divided into several micro-districts of 130-480 ha (seven and six micro-districts within the residential areas “A” and “B” respectively). These residential areas were predominantly occupied by 9-12-story apartment houses with some space reserved for higher buildings. The distances between the intersections were 0.9 – 1.5 km. Placed within a walking distance of 400 meters, retail outlets and social and utility infrastructure facilities were enlarged to provide for the needs of up to 30 thousand people. L. Tyulpa was quite convinced that this kind of “enlargement” would be very beneficial, as it was expected to reduce the construction and maintenance costs, ensure a higher level of service, bring a greater variety of goods to department stores. The centers of those residential micro-districts were duly located in compliance with the standard radius of 1 km, whereas the distance between the district centers was 2 km. The design proposal suggested the location of public transport stops, as well as the accessibility and coverage radius [fig. 9].
L.Tyulpa决定“扩大住宅区内的每个结构要素”22，并将整个住宅区划分为两个住宅区“a”和“B”（每个区域有10万居民和2000公顷）。每个区域被划分为几个130-480公顷的微型区（居住区“A”和“B”内分别有七个和六个微型区）。这些住宅区主要由9-12层公寓楼占据，一些空间保留给高层建筑。交叉口之间的距离为0.9–1.5 km。在步行400米的范围内，扩大了零售店以及社会和公用设施基础设施，以满足多达3万人的需求。L.Tyulpa非常相信这种“扩大”将是非常有益的，因为预计它将降低建设和维护成本，确保更高水平的服务，为百货公司带来更多种类的商品。这些微型住宅区的中心按照1公里的标准半径适当定位，而区中心之间的距离为2公里。设计方案建议了公共交通站点的位置，以及可达性和覆盖半径[图9]。
The total layout of the housing estate was based on the “home-work” system, meaning that the life of a common dweller was organized between these too destinations. So the living scenario was arranged along the network of highspeed roads which were essential for providing a convenient and quick access to workplaces. There were some public transport routes available within the territory of the housing estate, such as buses, trolleybuses, trams, shuttle buses and taxis. A new underground line was expected to appear here as well23. Along the widest thoroughfares, namely Akademika Pavlova street and Traktorostroiteley avenue, there was a plan to build high-rise buildings and large public buildings. The intersections of major roads, on top of low hills, turned into local centers of residential blocks, where the dwellers could have access to social and utility infrastructure facilities and parks with well-equipped sports facilities.
住宅区的总体布局基于“家庭工作”系统，这意味着普通居民的生活是在这些目的地之间安排的。因此，生活场景沿着高速道路网络布置，这对于提供方便快捷的工作场所至关重要。在住宅区内有一些公共交通路线，如公共汽车、无轨电车、有轨电车、穿梭巴士和出租车。一条新的地下线路预计也将出现在这里23。沿着最宽的大道，即阿卡德米卡-巴甫洛娃街和特拉克托罗斯托里特利大道，有一项建造高层建筑和大型公共建筑的计划。位于低山顶部的主要道路交叉口变成了当地居民区的中心，居民可以在这里使用社会和公用设施基础设施以及配备有完善体育设施的公园。
The so-called “focusing” method was employed for the detailed planning of residential blocks, which was used in the Ukrainian Soviet Republic for the first time. The main idea behind this method was placing social and utility infrastructure facilities around public transport stops24. Public transport stops became the primary elements of social and utility infrastructure network. This method made it possible to enlarge the grid of major thoroughfares, to reduce the number of intersections, to increase the distance between transport stops to 800-900 meters, to reduce the number of stops, and to increase the overall speed of traffic by 20%. The “focusing” method fully complied with the principle of “micro-districting”. By means of employing this principle, a micro-district was not limited to the streets, but it became organized around the “focus”, i.e. the radius of accessibility. The number and the capacity of social and utility facilities that were supposed to be covered by one “focus” center was carefully calculated, the location of public transport stops was well thought through, and the layout of major footpaths was outlined. The estimated population of one “focus” center in Kharkiv was approximately 28-30 thousand people [fig. 10, 11].
居住区的详细规划采用了所谓的“聚焦”方法，这在乌克兰苏维埃共和国是第一次使用。这种方法背后的主要思想是在公共交通站点周围放置社会和公用设施基础设施24。公共交通站点成为社会和公用事业基础设施网络的主要组成部分。这种方法可以扩大主要干道的网格，减少交叉口数量，将交通站点之间的距离增加到800-900米，减少站点数量，并将总体交通速度提高20%。“聚焦”法完全符合“微区”原则。通过采用这一原则，微型区不仅限于街道，而是围绕“焦点”，即可达性半径进行组织。仔细计算了一个“焦点”中心应覆盖的社会和公用设施的数量和容量，仔细考虑了公共交通站点的位置，并概述了主要人行道的布局。哈尔科夫一个“焦点”中心的估计人口约为2.8-3万人[图10、11]。
Within micro-districts residential groups were usually placed at the corners of the territories located between busy thoroughfares, whereas more “neutral” areas were allocated for local gardens, schools and kindergartens. The area followed a clear functional diagram: residential groups were located in the vicinity of public transport stops and social and utility infrastructure facilities; retail outlets and other facilities were located along the thoroughfares and near public transport stops; schools and kindergartens were placed in green areas in the core of the micro-district. In the same way as in the design of Pavlovo Pole housing estate, L. Tyulpa placed schools and kindergartens outside residential courtyards, which made it possible to create large courtyards with all necessary facilities, green spaces, recreation places, which also provided apartment houses with noise protection and privacy.
在微型区内，住宅区通常位于繁忙大道之间的区域角落，而更多的“中立”区域则被分配给当地花园、学校和幼儿园。该区域遵循清晰的功能图：住宅区位于公共交通站点和社会及公用设施基础设施附近；零售店和其他设施位于道路沿线和公共交通站点附近；学校和幼儿园被安置在微区核心的绿色区域。与巴甫洛沃·波尔住宅区的设计一样，L.图尔帕将学校和幼儿园安置在住宅庭院外，这使得有可能创建大型庭院，包括所有必要的设施、绿地、娱乐场所，还为公寓提供噪音保护和隐私。
The design proposal also envisaged the construction of a university campus, i.e. several colleges with housing for students and teaching staff, a sports complex and utility facilities, alongside with a construction camp and scientific and research institutions. Taking into account the peculiarities of topography and river floodplains, a unified system of green areas was developed that brought together all local parks, gardens and boulevards, creating a comprehensive walking scenario not only within the micro-districts, but also throughout the entire housing estate. The year of 1959 marked the beginning of Bolshaya Zhuravlevskaya water reserve (the so-called “Kharkiv Sea”), measuring 0.6 km wide and 3 km long, which was meant to become a key destination for recreation: a stadium, a park, beaches and boat stations were designed there. On the southern side of the housing estate, along the Nemyshlya river, another park with man-made lakes was planned.
设计提案还设想建设一个大学校园，即几个学院，为学生和教职员工提供住房，一个体育综合设施和公用设施，以及一个施工营地和科研机构。考虑到地形和河漫滩的特殊性，开发了统一的绿地系统，将所有当地公园、花园和林荫道汇集在一起，不仅在微型区内，而且在整个住宅区内创造了一个全面的步行场景。1959年是Bolshaya Zhuravlevskaya水资源保护区（所谓的“哈尔科夫海”）的开始，该保护区宽0.6公里，长3公里，旨在成为一个重要的娱乐目的地：那里设计了一个体育场、一个公园、海滩和船站。在住宅区的南面，沿着内米什利亚河，规划了另一个有人工湖的公园。
The main difficulty faced by the urban planners was a rather poor “palette” of standardized buildings. The task of locating various social and utility infrastructure facilities was further complicated by the absence of standardized designs for such facilities with a capacity of 25-30 thousand people. Therefore, in some cases the architects had either to modify the existing projects, or to allow lower capacity of these facilities, or to duplicate institutions that were identical in their functions. While designing each micro-district, L. Tyulpa followed the rule he established himself: there had to be at least one truly original project designed for each micro-district.
城市规划者面临的主要困难是标准化建筑的“色调”相当差。各种社会和公用设施基础设施的选址任务因此类可容纳2.5-3万人的设施缺乏标准化设计而变得更加复杂。因此，在某些情况下，建筑师要么修改现有项目，要么降低这些设施的容量，要么复制功能相同的机构。在设计每个微区时，L.Tyulpa遵循他自己确立的规则：每个微区必须至少设计一个真正原创的项目。
Saltovskiy housing estate was built very rapidly due to the use of prefabricated structures produced by Kharkiv-based factories (DSK-1 and DSK-2). 320-480 thousand square meters of housing were built annually. There were cases when anine-story house was erected in 32 days, while the installation of the superstructure took only 17 days25 [fig. 14, 15].\
由于使用了哈尔科夫工厂（DSK-1和DSK-2）生产的预制结构，萨尔托夫斯基住宅区的建设非常迅速。年建成住房32-48万平方米。有这样的情况，一栋一层的房子在32天内建成，而上部结构的安装只需17天25[图14、15]\
The last years of Leonid Tyulpa’s active work were associated with the design of thirteen micro-districts of Saltovskiy housing estate (numbers 601, 602, 603, 604, 5, 6, 605, 521, 520, 522, 624, 625 and 626) [fig. 12, 13].
Leonid Tyulpa最后几年的积极工作与Saltovsky住宅区13个微型区的设计有关（编号601、602、603、604、5、6、605、521、520、522、624、625和626）[图12、13]。
Conclusion
The approval of design solutions on the basis of their technical and economic feasibility was the main method of architectural design in the USSR starting since 1956. Kharkiv is a unique platform for studying mass housing development. The period between the two world wars saw the appearance of a large number of new types of housing featuring an active search for feasible planning solutions, whereas Pavlovo Pole and Saltovskiy housing estates are vivid examples of how Soviet housing evolved after World War II. The facts that architect L. Tyulpa was largely involved in designing these housing estates and a number of other key projects in Kharkiv has given an opportunity to personalize the research and examine the evolution of architectural forms from the perspective of personal design experience of the architect.
从1956年开始，苏联建筑设计的主要方法是根据技术和经济可行性批准设计方案。哈尔科夫是研究大规模住房开发的独特平台。在两次世界大战之间，出现了大量新型住房，积极寻求可行的规划解决方案，而巴甫洛夫·波尔和萨尔托夫斯基住宅区则是二战后苏联住房发展的生动例子。建筑师L.Tyulpa主要参与设计这些住宅区和哈尔科夫的许多其他关键项目，这一事实为从建筑师个人设计经验的角度对研究进行个性化和审查建筑形式的演变提供了机会。
L. Tyulpa is a key figure in the Kharkiv city planning, he was directly involved in the redevelopment of the post-war Kharkiv. The architect’s creative career evolved through all key stages, which illustrated the major processes in the postwar Soviet architectural theory, i.e. restoration of the city after the Second World War, the period of experiments and the search for efficient solutions in housing development, modernist restoration of historical cities and construction of huge housing estates. He made decisions at all levels, from conceptual solutions of master plan strategy to residential buildings individual projects.
L.Tyulpa是哈尔科夫城市规划的关键人物，他直接参与了战后哈尔科夫的重建。建筑师的创作生涯经历了所有关键阶段，这说明了战后苏联建筑理论的主要过程，即第二次世界大战后的城市恢复、试验阶段以及寻求住房开发的有效解决方案，历史城市的现代主义修复和大型住宅区的建设。他在各个层面做出决策，从总体规划战略的概念解决方案到住宅建筑和单个项目。
Pavlovo Pole and Saltovskiy housing estates were experimental sites where new design methods were developed. These projects laid the foundations for other housing estates development in Kharkiv, i. e. Alekseevsky housing estate, Novyie doma, Gorizont, etc. Despite the fact that these two implementations were created in other different economic and political context, they were adapted and they are operating today. This allows us to talk about the possibility of a successful integrated regeneration of this urban environment.
巴甫洛沃波尔和萨尔托夫斯基住宅区是开发新设计方法的实验场所。这些项目为哈尔科夫的其他房地产开发奠定了基础。EAlekseevsky housing estate、Novyie doma、Gorizont等。尽管这两个实施方案是在其他不同的经济和政治背景下创建的，但它们都经过了调整，并在今天运行。这使我们能够讨论成功整合城市环境再生的可能性。
Due to development of these two housing estates during a very short period of time, less than 35 years, more than 350,000 people were able to settle their new individual apartments. However, L. Tyulpa’s ideas were not fully realized. Unwieldy bureaucratic Party apparatus and the imperfection of the construction procedure technologies led to mistakes, which had to be solved directly on the fabricating yard. Despite the fact that L. Tyulpa managed to obtain permits and sometimes designed individual projects for service objects, their number was very small. The housing estates were large and monotonous; they could not to answer the people needs in the quality living environment. Saltovskiy housing estate also was not realized as a separate socialist city that L. Tyulpa wanted. Although this nonrealization allowed the estate to better adapt in the new economic conditions.
由于这两个屋苑在不到35年的短时间内发展，超过35万人能够安顿他们的新个人公寓。然而，L.Tyulpa的想法并没有完全实现。笨拙的官僚机构和不完善的施工程序技术导致了错误，必须直接在制造场解决。尽管L.Tyulpa设法获得了许可证，有时还为服务对象设计了单独的项目，但其数量非常少。住宅区又大又单调；他们无法在高质量的生活环境中满足人们的需求。索尔托夫斯基住宅区也没有实现作为一个独立的社会主义城市，L.Tyulpa想要。尽管这种非现实化使房地产更好地适应新的经济条件。