1500年地理大发现之后，人类相互交往的性质和内容都发生了显著变化。为了保证商业的进行，需要相应的政治和法律秩序作为保障。从16世纪开始，西欧国家普遍出现重商主义。重商主义经济政策在政治上的对应物就是专制主义，即将权力向最高统治者手里集中，权力集中推动了一系列对民族国家出现具有重大意义的政策发展。
双
2018.10.02
语
The Westphalian Age
The idea of European unity is more complicated than its supporters or critics allow
As the modern state evolved, that balance became harder to manage. In the 18th century Britain forged its constituent countries into a United Kingdom with imperial reach. Revolutionary France became the first nation to harness all the state’s resources to the waging of war; Napoleon’s Grande Armée conquered the continent. As the 19th century wore on, governments exploited Blut und Boden—blood and soil—as a tool to create national identities that increased their power. Compilations of folklore, tales of illustrious forebears, genealogies of language and theories of race were all put to work bolstering these identities. “The educated, multilingual cosmopolitan elite of Europe grew weaker,” writes the historian Norman Davies, “the half-educated national masses, who thought of themselves only as Frenchmen, Germans, English or Russians, grew stronger.”
The Mandarin-Language Version
随着现代国家逐步形成，均势变得越来越难以维持。在18世纪，英国将组成其的王国缔造成具有帝国影响力的联合王国。大革命时期的法国成为第一个动用举国之力发动战争的国家；拿破仑的伟大军队征服了欧洲大陆。到了19世纪，各国以血统与土壤（Blut und Boden）为工具，塑造了国家认同，扩大了国家权力。民间传说的汇编，杰出祖先的传说，语言的谱系和种族理论都被用来巩固国家认同。“欧洲那些文化程度高，会说多种语言，见识广阔的精英的影响力逐渐变弱，”历史学家诺曼·戴维斯说，“而那些文化程度不高，只认为自己是法国人，德国人，英国人或俄国人的普罗大众的影响力却变得更强大了。”
注释：
均势，balance of power，是威斯特伐利亚体系下产生的一项共同原则，即维持欧洲各国势力基本均衡。欧洲一些大国制定外交政策也会以它为基础，比如被称为欧洲制衡者的英国。均势的维持，一定程度上有利于和平和稳定的实现。
After 1814 Germany invaded France five times. After 1914 the antagonisms and ambitions of European nation-states with colonies on almost every continent twice dragged the whole world into war. Far-fetched as it seems today, the dread in 1945 was that Germany would rise up yet again, as a Fourth Reich. Fear of Germany was compounded by fear of Russia, especially after the Soviet Union backed a Communist coup in Prague in 1948.
The Mandarin-Language Version
1814年后德国五次入侵法国。1914年后，欧洲民族国家几乎在每个大洲都有殖民地，他们雄心勃勃，互相敌视，曾两次把整个世界拽入战争的旋涡当中。1945年人们对于德意志第四帝国将会再次崛起的恐惧，在今天看来似乎有点不可信。尤其当苏联在1948年于布拉格（前捷克斯洛伐克首都，现捷克首都）推行共产主义政变之时，对德国的恐惧情绪中还混杂了对俄国的恐惧。
antagonism: n. feelings of hatred and opposition对立情绪；对抗情绪；敌对；敌意
E.g The antagonism he felt towards his old enemy was still very strong.
This, then, was the context for the Treaty of Paris. All across Europe states had failed their people. Some European countries had embraced Fascism. Others had crumbled. War had become total. The very idea of Europe had failed.
The Mandarin-Language Version
之后便签订了《巴黎条约》。欧洲国家都失去了民心。一些欧洲国家涌现法西斯主义浪潮。其他国家则崩溃了。战争已经蔓延到整个欧洲了。欧洲这一信念黯然失色。
Beset by hunger, exhaustion and fear, governments desperate to ensure peace sought to extend their care of ordinary people.As a British historian, Alan Milward, has argued, to be legitimate in this fractured world the state had to strive to bring prosperity, employment and welfare to new voters— factory workers if they were not to be tempted by Bolshevism, and farm workers if they were not to be tempted by Fascism, as they had been when agricultural wages collapsed in the 1930s.
The Mandarin-Language Version
受尽了饥饿、疲倦和恐惧的折磨，渴望和平的各国政府寻求于扩大人民福利这一出路。正如英国历史学家阿伦·米尔沃德所说，要想在这个分崩离析的世界里获得人民的支持和拥护，国家必须力图繁荣、就业和福利，以求得新选民——工厂和农场的工人——的支持——如果他们不是被布尔什维克主义和法西斯主义蛊惑的话，正如20世纪30年代农业工资崩溃时发生的那样。
beset: v. to affect sb / sth in an unpleasant or harmful way困扰；威胁
E.g The team was beset by injury all season.
It was from this need to prevent war and safeguard the state that the European communities arose. The link was clearest in France. Prosperity required West German raw materials; France had depended on German coal since the 1890s, and by the 1930s had become the world’s largest coal importer. At the same time Germany had to be kept from renewed aggression. In 1945 Charles de Gaulle felt the best way to meet these goals would be to put the coal and steel industries in the Ruhr and Rhineland permanently under French control. France would guarantee its own safety by keeping West Germany as an agrarian state.
The Mandarin-Language Version
欧洲共同体正是诞生于这种抵御战争、保卫国家的需求中。这种关系在法国最显而易见。要想经济繁荣，就需要西德的原材料；法国从19世纪90年代起就一直依赖德国的煤矿，在20世纪30年代成为世界上最大的煤矿进口国。同时，它还需要遏制德国敌对势力的再次兴起。1945年，戴高乐认为实现这两个目标的最好办法，是把鲁尔区和莱茵兰的煤钢产业永久地置于法国的控制下。控制西德，使其局限于一个农业国家范围内，法国才得以保证自身安全。
This was vetoed by the Americans and the British, partly because they worried that a poor, suppressed West Germany would either rebel or fall under Soviet influence. As a fallback, in 1946 and 1947, France flirted with the Soviet Union about an alliance in the East, an old strategy based on the balance-of-power logic of the Treaty of Westphalia. Stalin was not interested.
The Mandarin-Language Version
美国和英国否决了他的提议，部分原因在于他们担心贫困且被压制的西德，要么反叛，要么倒向苏联。作为退让，法国在1946年和1947年冒险向苏联提出结成东方联盟，这是一项以《威斯特伐利亚条约》的均势逻辑为基础的老政策。但斯大林对此并不感兴趣。
flirt with sth 玩儿似地想做某事；冒险；不顾危险后果
So it was that in 1949 France’s foreign minister, Robert Schuman, resorted to what European mythmaking casts as a bold new vision and history records as a third choice close to a last resort: Monnet’s plan for a Coal and Steel Community. The scheme, which Schuman presented in a “declaration” in the Salon de l’Horloge, was a trade treaty with a novel twist. It created a High Authority, which stood above the six governments, to administer its provisions. All the participants were equal and the pact was open to new members.
The Mandarin- Laguage Version
于是，1949年法国外交部长罗伯特·舒曼采纳了让·莫内的“煤钢共同体”计划。这是一个大胆的新愿景，并最终作为背水一战的第三方案。舒曼在时钟沙龙发表的“宣言”达成了一次贸易条约，带来了一个全新的转折点。条约产生了一个超越六个国家政府的最高权力机构，来执行协定达成的条款。所有缔约国都是平等的，条约向新成员开放。
注释：
舒曼计划，1950年法国外长舒曼提出建立“欧洲煤钢共同体”的计划，这份计划由莫内撰写，但此前莫内曾提出“莫内计划（Monnet Plan）”。
Schuman told the press the plan was “a leap in the dark”. Yet what is striking is not how far-reaching it was, but how tentative. The idea of European union had a long history—Victor Hugo had talked of a United States of Europe as early as 1849. Perry Anderson, a historian, has counted at least 600 publications between the wars proposing a united Europe. Next to almost all such schemes, the Treaty of Paris, with its focus on schedules of heavy-industrial output, was as dry as coal dust.
The Mandarin- Language Version
舒曼告诉记者，这项计划是“黑暗中的一跃”。但令人印象深刻之处不在于它有多影响深远，而在于它是一次犹疑不决的尝试。欧洲联合的理念有很长的历史——早在1849年，维克多·雨果就曾谈论过欧洲合众国的建立。历史学家佩里·安德森统计出至少600份发表于两次世界大战期间，提倡建立一个联合的欧洲的刊物。几乎所有这些计划的下一个，即聚焦于重工业输出计划的《巴黎条约》（1951年），则如同煤灰般干燥。
注释：
1.1849年巴黎举行过一次争取欧洲和平的大会，雨果在大会上发表关于欧洲联合的激情演说。
2.“如同煤灰般干燥”意思是《巴黎条约》所体现出来的动摇和踟躇与此前欧洲联合的种种坚定理念之间的不符。
Why was it so modest? In part for the simple reason that the states wished to give up as little as possible. But in part, too, it was the tenor of the times. Grand schemes to remake society were tainted by Nazism and Bolshevism. In the second world war Albert Speer, Hitler’s chief architect, had drawn up plans for a pan-European political order. Pierre Pucheu, executed for his role as a senior administrator in Vichy France, had called for a single currency. There was a general suspicion of politics and passion. Raymond Aron, a French philosopher, thought that modern society was “to be observed without transports of enthusiasm or indignation”. “Where the first world war had a politicising, radicalising effect,” Judt writes, “its successor produced the opposite outcome: a deep longing for normality.”
The Mandarin-Language Version
为何这时候欧洲联合的理念又变得如此保守了？部分原因是国家们希望自己的利益尽可能少地减损。但还有另一个原因，就是这是时代进程的要求。改造社会的宏伟计划被法西斯主义和布尔什维克主义染指。二战时期，希特勒的首席建筑师阿尔伯特·斯佩尔曾制定一项泛欧洲政治秩序计划。在法国维希政府担任高级行政官员的皮埃尔·主张建立单一货币。当时人们普遍对政治和激情有一种疑虑。法国哲学家雷蒙·阿隆认为对现代社会的考察，是不带激情和愤慨的强烈情感的。“在一战影响下带上政治和激进色彩的社会，”托尼·朱特写道，“二战之后产生了一个相反的结果，即对常态的深切渴望。”
In those early years the states guarded their privileges jealously—to the fury of Monnet and his band of federalists. Take, for instance, a proposal in 1950 to create a European army as an alternative to West German rearmament under NATO (which had been created the previous year). During the Korean war, seen as a sign of menacing Soviet ambition, the idea made progress. But the six governments found it hard to agree on how a European army should be run; French Gaullists hated the loss of sovereignty. America threatened an “agonising reappraisal” of relations if France voted against the defence treaty. Nevertheless in August 1954, after the Korean war was over, the French National Assembly rejected the European Defence Community by 319 votes to 264. The victors celebrated with a rousing chorus of the “Marseillaise”.
The Mandarin-Language Version
在过去，欧洲国家为保护国家利益而互相猜疑，警惕着莫内和他的那群联邦主义同伙。举个例子，1950年有人提议创立一支欧洲军队，以代替（在此前已成立的）北约之下的德国联邦国防军。在朝鲜战争期间，这个提议被视为对苏联扩张野心的威胁，并得以进一步发展。但六国政府发现就欧洲军队如何运作的问题难以达成一致。法国民族主义者反对对国家主权的侵蚀。美国威胁法国：如果投票反对欧洲防务共同体条约，那么美国将对两国关系进行一次“痛苦的再评估”。不过1954年8月，在朝鲜战争结束后，法国国民议会以319票对264票否决了建立欧洲防务共同体的计划。胜利者们高歌一首振奋人心的马赛曲，庆祝胜利。
The same fate almost befell negotiations to broaden the Coal and Steel Community into the European Economic Community, a free-trade area known as the “common market”. At a conference in Messina in 1955 the French agreed to study the plan only after a desperate late-night session between the enthusiastic Belgian delegate and his reluctant French colleague. A year later, the French prime minister, Guy Mollet, was still wavering. True to France’s perennial concerns about where its energy would come from he wanted an agreement on nuclear power (known as Euratom), but he was unsure whether the common market was a price worth paying.
The Mandarin-Language Version
同样的命运差点也发生在把煤钢共同体扩大至欧洲经济共同体的磋商上。欧洲经济共同体是一个自由贸易区，也被熟知为“（欧洲）共同市场”。1955年在意大利城市墨西拿举办的会议上，热情的比利时代表与不情不愿的法国代表进行了一场深夜会议之后，法国才同意考虑这项计划。一年后，法国总理盖伊·穆勒仍犹豫不决。出于法国长时对能源获得的忧虑，他想要在核子能源问题上达成一致（即欧洲原子能共同体），但他仍不确定为共同市场付出的代价是否值得。
注：
威斯特伐利亚，1618—1648年三十年战争后奠定的多极均势格局，以主权平等和独立的民族君主国组成的欧洲国际社会代替了中世纪神权政治体制，对现代国际关系的建立和欧洲未来政治经济秩序影响深远。
翻译：DON’T CUT
校对：Jon/ Irene